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IMPLEMENTATION OF THE MONGOLIAN NATIONAL PROGRAMME OF ACTION
FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN
Alternative Report by Mongolian Women’s NGOs
Ulaanbaatar April, 2000
Introduction to the Report
Following the Beijing Special Session of the United Nations for
Women in 1995, the Mongolian National Government created the National
Program of Action for
the Advancement of Women ("National Program for Women")
in 1996. In 2000, in preparation for Beijing+5, another Special
Session of the United Nations for
Women, in New York, the Mongolian Government produced a report on
the implementation of this National Program for Women.
The National CEDAW Watch Network Center created this report. It
is an independent review of the government’s implementation of its
National Program for
Women. The National CEDAW Watch Network Center is an NGO that was
established in 1998 to monitor and evaluate the government’s programs
for women. It prepared this report without any government funding
on the basis of information collected from the government and the
non-governmental sectors. This report was prepared with the support
of operational funding from the Asia Foundation and AusAID.
The report is on three parts of the National Program for Women:
a) Women and Economic Development, g) Women in Power and Decision-Making,
and h)
Violence against Women and Human Rights. The beginning of the report
sets out the context of Mongolian women and the end of the report
sets out a number of
recommendations for government.
One: Historical Developments and Women’s Status in Mongolia
Mongolia is located in Central Asia. Its territory supports a total
population of about 2.4 million people, one fourth of which lives
in the capital city, Ulaanbaatar.
Mongolia is administratively divided into 21 aimags (provinces)
that are further divided into 343 sums (counties) and 1400 bags
(administrative units smaller than
sums) whilst Ulaanbaatar consists of 9 districts that are further
divided into 122 khoroos (sub-districts). Fifty five percent of
the total population live in urban, settled
environments whilst the remaining forty five per cent live in rural
areas. The population density is 15 persons per every 1000 hectares.
For Mongolian women who had been, for hundreds of years, excluded
from public life due to the demands of the traditional lifestyle
and the needs of household
production associated with the nomadic livestock breeding, the People’s
Revolution of 1921 brought major changes. Women were presented with
an opportunity to acquire formal education and participate in the
political, social, and economic life of the country. ( UNIFEM Women
in Mongolia 1998 )
In the years following the People’s Revolution, women received,
just as men did, primary, secondary, complete, and higher education
and were employed, equally
with men, in all sectors of the society. However, due to social
norms and cultural traditions, the decision- and policy-making positions
remained under male
domination.
The policies on women implemented by the ruling Party and Government
leadership of that period focused on the social welfare provisions
for women, women’s
health and living conditions. In the 1960s and 1970s some progressive
measures were taken such as creating jobs for women, developing
a list of positions that
could be occupied by women, establishing professional re-training
courses, and providing pensions and benefits on alleviated conditions.
Though on one hand, the
above measures helped women to gain a meaningful position in the
society, on the other hand they treated women not as active contributors
to the national
development but as inactive recipients of the benefits of development.
It should be stated that this attitude has continued into the present.
The 1990 Democratic Revolution has fundamentally changed Mongolia’s
social and economic life. Mongolian women have actively participated
in effecting those
changes demonstrating that they are indeed active members of the
Mongolian society. Since 1992, women have started to organize themselves
to fight for their
social, economic, and political rights and currently there are over
forty non-governmental organizations registered with the Ministry
of Justice. These NGOs direct
their activities to improving women’s political, social, and economic
status and enabling women to enjoy their legally guaranteed rights.
Even though the Constitution of Mongolia and all pursuant laws
state that men and women of Mongolia have equal rights, in reality
that equality is far from being
implemented. Women’s political, social and economic participation
is much lower than men’s in that women constitute only 10.5 per
cent of current parliament
members, 11 per cent of government (cabinet) members, 0 per cent
of aimag and capital city governors, 2.4 per cent of sum and district
governors, 6-13 per cent of citizens, representatives, khurals (local
legislatures) at all levels, 0 per cent of the heads of the citizens,
representatives, khurals and 3-8 per cent of presidium
members. In the judicial branch, even though women constitute about
70% of all legal professionals, only 23.5 per cent of the Supreme
Court members are women.
( Women and Men in Mongolia , NSO, 1998 )
During the transition to an open-market economy, the impacts of
privatization and structural adjustment hit hardest the light manufacturing,
services, and trading
sectors that employed large numbers of women. As a result, many
women who lost their jobs shifted into the informal economy and
often lapsed into poverty and
unemployment for the lack of guaranteed steady income, decent wages
and jobs. At the same time, many thousands of women aged between
38 and 55 with four or more children were forced into retirement,
which made it difficult for these women to maintain equitable living
standards for their families and put them under multiple psychological
and financial pressures. In addition, many of these women have lost
their subsidy/pension entitlements under the revised laws and only
receive a compensation payment of 6,000 to 13,000 MNT ($6-$13 USD)
per month, which has become an important reasons for their impoverishment.
(Imlementation
employment rights of women in Mongolia, NCEDAWWNC, 1999 )
The government has not taken any measures to create new jobs, provide
professional and administrative assistance, and supply loans, run
formal or informal training
and retraining courses for the women who had lost their employment.
As women have been hit hardest by the economic and social crisis,
the majority of the unemployed is women. Before the 1990s, many
thousands of women
professionals had worked in the animal husbandry and crop growing
sectors but with the decentralization and privatization of the agricultural
sector over 20,000
women professionals that were trained in the preceding 30 years
became unemployed.
Herders in the rural areas did benefit from the privatization of
livestock and became able to supply themselves with food and other
necessities. At the same time,
however, the workload of women herders has substantially grown as
now not only do they have to care for their children and maintain
their households but also
spend considerable amounts of time producing dairy products and
other products of animal origin. In addition, the laws on standard
working hours, vacation days,
and level of wages are not applied to herdswomen; the contribution
herdswomen make to the national development has not been assessed
and there is no state
institution that is concerned with these issues.
Mongolian women study equally with men and sometimes outnumber
men in agricultural and other scientific fields and acquire different
types of profession. In 1998,
students enrolled in higher educational institutions numbered 50.2
thousand accounting for 10.1% of all 502.3 thousand students at
all levels of education. Women
constituted 62% of all MA and post-MA students, 68.1% of all BA
students, 84% of all students enrolled in higher education diploma
institutes, and 52-54% of
students in secondary schools and professional training schools.(
Women and Men in Mongolia, NSO, 1998)
However, this incredible pool of educated women’s professional
and intellectual capacity remains highly underutilized for the national
development.
Two: The National Machinery for Addressing Women’s Issues and
Other Organizational Issues
A. The Structure and Organization of the National Machinery
Prior to 1990, there was only one quasi-governmental mass organization
concerned with women’s issues. However, following the democratic
revolution, the national mechanism for addressing women’s issues
has changed fundamentally. The current mechanism is structured as
follows: ( Implementation of NPAW , Ministry of Health and social
welfare Mongolia, 1999)
The Legislative Body is responsible for reflecting women’s issues
in the new laws; developing, discussing, and ratifying such laws;
analyzing the existing legislation
and monitoring their implementation. However, as neither the Parliament’s
Standing Committee on Social Policy nor the Parliamentary Caucus
of Women has been
doing any concrete and effective work, even the Parliament composed
in 1996 has been producing laws that discriminate against women
and limit women’s
economic and political rights.
The Executive Body is responsible for formulating and implementing
State Policies on Women. More narrowly, it is the Minister of Health
and Social Security,
Member of the Government that is in charge of Women’s Issues. Though
in 1996, a policy-developing unit on Youth, Family, and Women was
established within the ministry, it was pulled down in 1999 and
the responsibilities were transferred onto one person in the Human
Development unit of the Strategic Management and
Planning Department of the ministry. We believe this is a step back
from the previous arrangement.
At the local administration level, the Social Policy Departments
of the City, Aimag and District Governor’s Offices each have an
officer in charge of youth, family,
and women’s issues. At the primary administrative levels in sums
and khoroos, there are staff members as well responsible for children’s,
youth, family, and women’s issues.
The National Council on Women’s Issues was established, according
to a government resolution, in 1996 under the aegis of the Minister
for Heath and Social
Welfare to monitor, analyze, support and promote the implementation
of the Mongolian state policies on women, the international conventions
that Mongolia is
signatory to, and the National Program of Action on Improving Women’s
Status. The Council membership consists of several Members of the
Parliament, Ministry
Officials, and representatives of several Women’s NGOs. However,
as the Council does not have a budget and hasn’t been able to sort
itself out organizationally, it
has not been able to do any substantial work beyond holding several
meetings and developing a few project proposals.
Women’s NGOs: currently, there are nearly forty women’s NGOs in
Mongolia. Though these organizations differ by their objectives,
constituencies, and nature of
their activities, they have a few things in common – organizing
women and recruiting their potential for the national development,
work together on particular issues,
and influence the government performance in relevant areas.
The Women’s NGOs For a held in 1996 and 1998 discussed the ways
of increasing the state and NGO participation in and support for
the implementation of the
National Program of Action on Improving Women’s Status and developed
concrete proposals aimed at intensifying the implementation of the
program and modifying the structure of the national machinery on
women’s issues. However, the state has not undertaken any effective
measures to support the activities of women’s NGOs or cooperate
with the latter.
B. Financial Issues
According to a government resolution, the financial resources required
for the implementation of the Program of Action are to be mobilized
through annual allocations from the central and local budgets, supplemented
by contractual cooperation with NGOs and foreign assistance.
In 1997 and 1999, owing to financial hardships, no allotments were
made from the state budget. In 1998, 30 million tugriks of the total
budget approved for the
Ministry of Health and Social Policy were earmarked for the implementation
of the Program of Action. However, only 1.2 million were actually
spent for the
Program. As for the year 2000, 10 million were committed for the
Program but so far no actual financing has been made.
Many donor organizations such as the World Bank, Asian Development
Bank, United Nations Development Program, TACIS, World Health Organization,
United
Nations Population Fund, UNIFEM, UNESCO, Save the Children Funds
of Norway and Britain, and the Japanese Government have been providing
financial
support for the achieving the goals stated in the National Program
of Action. Within the framework of the National Poverty Alleviation
Program, 6 million USD have been spent since 1995 for income-generation
projects in manufacturing and services sectors and for programs
directed at improving the access to health and
education services for vulnerable groups. TACIS has donated 2.3
million USD since 1995 to create jobs for vulnerable groups in the
manufacturing and services
sectors. There is, however, no adequate monitoring of the use of
donor funds and the implementation of programs funded by foreign
donors and there is no reporting to the public on the quality and
effectiveness of these programs.
Three: Women and Economic Development
Strategic Objectives of the National Program of Action:
Further develop the legal environment for ensuring women’s right
to employment and other economic rights; and
Create favorable conditions for improving female employment,
and reduce the unemployment down to 5.8% of economically active
women by the
year 2000.
Legally, Mongolian women have an equal right to the benefits of
their labor and other economic resources. Their right to equal access
to inheritance and ownership
of land, livestock and other property are codified in the Constitution,
the Civil Code, the Family Law and the Criminal Code of Mongolia.
The newly passed laws and resolutions contain concrete provisions
on ensuring women’s right to work, improving women’s working conditions
and safety
standards. The Labor Law newly ratified by the Parliament and enforced
since July 1, 1999, contains a section on Women’s Labor where it
states about women’s
employment rights in 8 articles and 14 provisions.
What’s interesting about the new Labor Law is that it broadens
the scope of cases that can be resolved by the negotiations among
the parties involved allowing for
the parties to freely enter into labor agreement on issues not stipulated
by the Law based on their negotiations. The Law also prohibited
employers from asking
personal questions and putting various limitations not pertinent
to the job they are offering and discriminating based on criteria
irrelevant to employment requirements.
Moreover, the Law pays special attention to the responsibility of
the employer to maintain adequate working conditions, sets state
standards for safety and hygiene
at work places, and stipulates, in order to ensure the mechanism
for enforcing these standards, administrative penalties for the
violation of safety and hygiene
standards.
Nevertheless, the implementation of the Labor Law is far from satisfactory
and there are many cases of breaching the Law as the mechanism for
enforcing it has not
been established and the government has still not passed the Regulations
on the Implementation of the Labor Law. In particular, many manufacturing
companies with full or partial foreign investment repeatedly and
blatantly violate the Labor Law provisions and force their employees
to work 10-12 hours a day in poor safety and hygiene condition often
utilizing hazardous materials for the production of their goods.
Despite knowing this situation, the state has not taken any drastic
measures and has limited its activities by merely checking the working
conditions and imposing small fines on the employers.
Furthermore, women are openly discriminated against in job ads
publicized in print media that stipulate the requirements job applicants
must fulfill often disqualifying
female applicants over 35 years of age and based on other physical
characteristics such as the looks, height, etc.
In 1997, the Labor and Social Security Department of the Ministry
of Health and Social Security conducted a countrywide inspection
to determine the national level
of labor safety and protection. The inspection covered 4,953 economic
entities of all sectors and types of ownership and 191,798 employees
of those entities, 49%
of whom were women.
The provision of gender-disaggregated data remains inadequate.
The research and surveys conducted by the National Statistical Office
are generally not
gender-sensitive and the NSO does not produce much gender-desegregated
statistics except some limited data in very few issue areas such
as health and education.
As a state agency, the NSO is well equipped in terms of personnel
and technical capacity but lacks any staff members capable of producing
gender-sensitive
research. Hence, they continue to produce statistics in an old-fashioned
manner providing some generalized indicators on population and family
and not enough (if
any) gender-desegregated data on political participation and representation,
management, use and ownership of property, crime, and violence.
In 1999, the NSO organized, in cooperation with UNDP, a national
seminar on "Policy, Planning and Gender Information" to
discuss the collection and
dissemination of information necessary for developing and implementing
gender-sensitive policies. Though the seminar was an important event,
the resolutions passed thereof remain on paper and there is not
adequate work done to develop gender-desegregated data, especially
on the wage and labor status disparities between men and women,
percentages of female workers, age, sex, and number of family members,
main sources of family income, etc.
An important issue with regard to female employment is work in
the informal sector. According to our estimates, 50% of those working
in the informal sector are
women and the majority of these people work on the basis of temporary
labor agreements. As in such conditions according to the Labor Law
the employers are not required to take responsibility for social
and health insurance payments of their workers, temporary labor
agreements become a source of violation of these
workers’, particularly, women’s social and economic rights such
as access to social security.
By the statistics of the first three months of the year 2000, women
account for 49.8% of all people of labor age and 47% of economically
active people At the same
time, women constitute 53.9% of the unemployed. At the beginning
of 2000, the unemployment rate was 6.4%, which means that the government
has not met its
target to reduce unemployment to 5.8% by the year 2000. .( Mongolian
social and economic condition, Daily News ,20.01.2000, N-12)
64.8 % of all unemployed people are under 35 years of age and 52.0
% of them are women. By the figures of 1999, 64.6% of all unemployed
did not have
professional training, which is an increase by 5.8 from the previous
year testifying to the increasing demand for professional skills
on the job market as well as to the
increasing number of unskilled people. (Employment , Mongolia, NCO,
1999) Though women have a far higher rate of tertiary education
than men do, the labor
market is requiring qualitatively and quantitatively different skills.
In order to help women to fit these requirements and acquire new
jobs, the state should provide
professional training and retraining courses on a large scale but
it is yet unclear how the state is planning to fulfill this duty.
The availability of adequate child-care facilities is an important
factor that influences female employment. However, since 1992, the
number of childcare facilities has
declined from 441 till 38, which together with the provision of
the Family Law that has forced many women to take 2-3 year-long
childcare leaves had an effect of
distancing women from the social life, limiting their social and
economic rights, and pushing many women into poverty.
The provisions in the newly ratified Family Law and Law on Social
Welfare that grant the right to childcare leaves only to women or
single fathers limit and violate
equality of genders within and outside families and allow employers
to forcibly give their women employees 2-3 year-long childcare leaves.
Also as there is no
mechanism of encouraging employers that provide childcare facilities
for their employees, employers are not only interested in creating
these facilities but are also
reluctant to hire people with small children.
Four: Women’s Participation in Power and Decision Making
Strategic Objectives of the National Program of Action:
Promote women’s participation in decision-making and ensure,
by the year 2000, an increase to at least 20% in the representation
of women in
national and local top decision-making positions, both elected
and appointed.
Mongolian women were first granted the right to participate in
the elections as voters and candidates by the 1924 Constitution
of Mongolia. The current Constitution states that all citizens of
Mongolia residing in Mongolia have equal rights regardless of their
ethnicity, language, age, sex, social status and background, wealth,
employment, religion, opinion, and education.
In the 70 years of one-party dictatorship and socialist regime,
many women were elected as deputies at different levels of legislative
councils based on the principle
that there should be an adequate representation of women in top
leadership positions. For example, in 1931, almost 600 women were
elected in local administration elections accounting for 30% of
all the elected. In 1940, there were 14 women elected on the State
Small Khural.
With the democratic revolution that started in 1989 and the rise
of people’s political consciousness and participation, many women
voluntarily joined various political parties, movements, and NGOs
exercising their political rights to protect their interests. This
situation found its reflection in the new Constitution of Mongolia
ratified in 1992.
However, there still are many cases when laws are violated and
the inequality of men and women remains to be a reality. This is
particularly visible in the fact that
women’s participation in decision-making at top levels is highly
inadequate.
Mongolia has had two parliamentary (State Great Khural) elections
since the first free election of the 1990 that created the People’s
Great Khural and the State
Small Khural. Prior to the 1996 parliamentary elections, several
women’s NGOs held a "Women in Politics" Forum that led
to the establishment of the Women’s
Coalition. The coalition recommended political parties and the current
legislature and the government that a quota for women candidates
be set for the parliamentary
elections but the proposal was not supported by the policy-makers.
Mongolia has a majoritarian electoral system, which makes it harder
to increase women’s
political representation. Unfortunately, neither the state nor the
non-state organizations have paid much attention to adopting an
electoral system that would be more
favorable to women’s representation. The 1996 local government elections
were conducted based on a mixed majoritarian and proportional system.
However, as
women’s names were listed last on the party lists, only 6-13% of
the current Citizen Representative Khurals (local legislatures)
are a woman.
There are currently 21 political parties in Mongolia and four of
them have seats in the parliament. An important progress in the
political life of Mongolia is the fact that over the last few years
these parties that had been concentrated in the capital city only
have reached out into rural areas establishing local branches and
intensifying party work in the countryside. The parties have not,
however, done any work at any level towards promoting women politicians
and increasing women’s political participation in the formal politics.
Only the MNDP (Mongolian National Democratic Party) has taken some
steps in this direction and, as a result, the first woman minister
was appointed and the senior advisor to the Prime Minister is also
a woman. Though the party set a policy that no less than 20% of
party personnel at all levels of the party structure should be women,
the personnel policy has not been consistent and no clear steps
have been taken to recruit, support and promote female party members.
( Selected research on staff in Power and Decision-making, LEOS,
1998 )
The state has not implemented a strategic program for improving
the gender balance with regard to manpower and personnel policies.
Women are predominantly
found in mid-level management positions in such fields as health,
education, social security, and culture. Even when they hold higher-level
positions they are usually
subordinate ones such as the post of a deputy director.
The strategic objective of the National Platform of Action on increasing
women’s political representation is not being met, nor is has the
government been monitoring education and training programs to ensure
adequate education of women. Hence, there is no sound statistics
about the percentage of women students at different levels of education
and training programs. There are concrete to the creation of a favorable
political, economic, and social environment for the improvement
of women’s political and social participation. These include:
Social and cultural norms play an important part. There are
many politicians that believe that women are in general incapable
of meaningfully participating in
politics. There are also many traditional sayings such as "Women
have long hair but short brain" and various customs that
limit women’s social rights. Thus,
according to our tradition, it is the man that is considered as
the head of the household and this has been reasserted in the
current laws.
Women shoulder the reproductive functions such as doing housework,
and caring for the children. As a result, they lack time to educate
themselves,
participate in public affairs, and other decision-making activities
and drop behind professionally and socially. This situation undermines
women’s
self-confidence, their commitment to any kind of work, and think
themselves unfit for many jobs including the politics, which they
often believe to be a male
arena.
The government has not designed any programs to seek out, educate,
and promote talented young women leaders or potential leaders.
Hence, there has been
no substantial progress in promoting female leadership.
The political parties’ support for women candidates is extremely
weak. It is common that women candidates would have financial
hardships in running their
election campaigns and that male candidate would pick the most
promising electoral districts.
In the absence of government action, women’s NGOs have run some
activities aimed at promoting women to decision-making positions
and increasing women’s
political education and have reached some results. In anticipation
of the next parliamentary elections, the women’s NGO’s have formed
a coalition in order to
support women candidates and improve women’s voters’ consciousness.
The coalition currently unites some 30 NGOs and is an improvement
in many ways from
the first women’s coalition as it was able to learn from previous
mistakes. The coalition is now a permanent NGO running regular activities
and registered with the
Ministry of Justice. It is non-governmental, non-profit, non-partisan
and independent.
Since its establishment, the coalition has held meetings with the
leadership of parliamentary parties, presented its activities to
them, exchanged opinions on improving
women’s political representation, and discussed possibilities of
working together with the parties on organizing free discussions
on gender and gender-sensitivity
training seminars for party members. Also, the coalition has been
running other activities such as public education projects via print
and broadcast media directed to
increasing gender awareness of the voters and supporting women candidates.
The Liberal Women’s Brain Pool has been running, since its inception,
nation-wide informal training projects to increase women’s political
participation and is
currently implementing a program entitled "Woman Candidate."
Within the framework of this program, LEOS is conducting training
seminars in rural areas through its local branches to support women
candidates for local elections and improve voter education of rural
residents. Also, the Young Women Leaders’ Club of LEOS
works towards training and preparing future women leaders.
Five: Violence Against Women and Human Rights
Strategic Objectives of the National Program of Action:
Strengthen the legal framework for protecting the human rights
of women and to fight against violence; and
Develop services to prevent violence against women and to protect
women victims of violence.
One of the basic principles of the Mongolian State is to ensure
equal rights of men and women in the sphere of economic, socio-political,
family, cultural, and legal
relations. There are newly amended provisions on protecting women’s
human rights, developing a legal framework for combating violence,
and protecting mothers’
interests in the laws on health, social security, labor, family,
social welfare, etc.
However, during this period of transition to a market economy,
women have been experiencing many cases of discrimination and violence,
limitations of their rights
and freedoms and there is an increasing negative tendency that demands
public attention. In families, at work, and public places women
are subjected to violence
and domination, physical, psychological, and sexual.
As legislators do not have a comprehensive approach to the protection
of women’s human rights, the newly passed laws are often one-sided,
protective rather than
supportive, and even limiting of women’s rights and freedoms.
One of the main reasons why overt and covert violence against women
has become so widespread is the fact that no legal or moral environment
has developed that
would resist violence. Some laws aimed at combating violence are
not being implemented, often there is internal contradiction in
those laws, and even more seriously, there is little desire or knowledge
among lawmakers to develop laws that would protect women from discrimination
and violence. For example, though it seems that the laws contain
adequate sanctions for men who committed violence against women,
these provisions cannot effectively resolve domestic violence cases.
The newly passed Family Law mentions does not go much further than
mentioning violence and the the Criminal Code only has some general
provisions on beating, offending, insulting, intimidating, and causing
suicides that do not help much in domestic violence cases. As long
as there is no serious injury or no life is lost, domestic violence
is regarded as a private issue and no legal case is opened. No action
is taken to prevent repetitions of domestic violence or protect
the victims, which shows that the state has not been living up to
its promise to reduce domestic violence.
The Criminal Code was recently amended to provide compensation
to victims not only for physical and material losses but also for
psychological injuries and
damage to one’s reputation. However, the courts still mainly mandate
compensation for physical and material losses only and so far there
are no regulations on
assessing the extent of psychological damage and corresponding compensation.
It is rare that victims would file for compensation for psychological
damage. Clearly, such legal arrangements do not help combat violence.
Though the government has advantage over other institutions in
terms of personnel and technical capacity, it still has not undertaken
any studies or analyses of
violence against women, which also shows that the government is
not working towards the objectives stated in the Program of Action.
In 1997, the government developed a country report on the implementation
of the CEDAW in Mongolia and submitted it to the UN though it has
never reported on
the implementation of the convention to the public, nor has it publicized
the objectives of the convention among the people of Mongolia.
Though the Criminal Code, the Law on Administrative Responsibilities,
and the Law against Pornography all ban the advertisement of pornographic
and violent
material, our print media widely publicize under the pretext of
the freedom of press advertisements that explicitly discriminate
against women based on their age and
outward appearance, use objectified sexual images of women for the
purposes of advertisement and further reinforce gender inequity
and gender stereotyping. Some examples of such ads include:
Hiring young pretty girls aged between 20 and 23 with high communication
skills as saleswomen. Telephone No… (Daily News, No. 126, 1999);
Regularly buying for high prices photos of famous women for
the "Erotic Corner’ section of the newspaper (Private Life,
No. 4, 1998);
Beautiful woman and good windows are decorations for a man and
a house (Promotion brochure of the Monpol construction company,
2000).
The above examples testify that there is no adequate legal environment
for holding these media organizations responsible for discriminatory
publications.
In general, the government actions to reduce violence against women
remain highly unsatisfactory for the current level of violence against
women. Therefore,
women’s NGOs have taken the initiative to run activities pulling
their resources, some of which are rendering some results.
It is women’s NGOs that have shouldered nation-wide gender-sensitivity
and gender-awareness training programs making an important contribution
to improving
public education on gender issues.
The CEDAW Watch Network Center that unites 15 women’s NGOs monitors
the status of women’s rights and the implementation of the laws
on women’s rights,
and provides analysis and recommendations. To promote the implementation
of the CEDAW and to garner public support for and understanding
of CEDAW, the
center has organized in the last two years a series of intensive
training of trainers programs entitled "The Status of Women’s
Human Rights in Mongolia" for urban
and rural NGO activists and top level civil servants. As a result
of these seminars that covered in total over 300 trainees, there
is now a National Trainers’ Team
consisting of 12 members and about 200 rural trainers. Also, the
Center has, in cooperation with the regional network of Asia-Pacific
countries on monitoring
women’s rights, developed the base report on "Women’s Employment
Rights" following the Article 11 of the CEDAW, translated the
report and is currently
distributing it to national and international organizations.
The Women Lawyer’s Association has been conducting women's rights
training seminars at national and local levels to improve lawyers’
knowledge of women’s
rights issues. The Association has also been providing pro bono
constancy to women whose rights have been infringed. Moreover, the
WLA has effectively
undertaken, upon their own initiative and foreign donor funding,
a number of important studies on burning issues faced by women.
The National Center Against Violence conducted surveys of 4,100
people in 1996 and 5,000 people in 1998. Though these studies did
not succeed at revealing the root causes of domestic violence, they
did draw much public attention to the issue of domestic violence.
The surveys showed that 1 in 3 women regularly suffer from some
kind of violence, and 1 in 10 women regularly suffer physical abuse.
The Center has worked intensively in the last 3 years and has become
an institution where women victims of domestic violence frequently
come for advice and assistance. It runs a temporary shelter house
for women and their children under critical
psychological pressure and whose lives are possibly in danger. In
the last 3 years, 342 women with 1-5 children each have spent 3060
bed days (children have
spent 3672 bed days) in the shelter house. Moreover, the training
programs the Center has been running for policemen and violent men
are delivering some results.
The WLA and the NCAV have been developing a draft law on domestic
violence and are preparing to present the law to the parliament.
Important provisions of this draft include articles on protecting
victims and forcing violent men to go mandatory rehabilitation training
programs.
The Gender Center for Sustainable Development, the NCAV and the
WLA have been working together with the police, courts, and law
enforcement institutions on
providing healthcare, psychological and legal counseling, and moral
support for women victims of violence.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The government’s implementation of the National Program of Action
has been insufficient. No real and effective measures have been
taken to reach the primary
objectives of the National Program of Action. Therefore, there is
a need to take the following recommendations into careful consideration:
To the State Great Khural:
Make an effort to create a legal framework for combating all forms
of discrimination against women in political, economic, social,
and family spheres and
amend the provisions in the Labor Law, Family Law, Law on Pensions,
and Law Against Pornography that overtly and covertly discriminate
against women.
Urgently develop with the assistance of and in cooperation with
women’s NGOs and pass within the next three such laws against violence,
discrimination, and
sexual harassment that are necessary for stopping the violation
of women’s rights.
Nullify orders and resolutions that violate the principles stated
in the Constitution of Mongolia and the international conventions
that Mongolia is signatory to.
Amend the electoral laws as to make them more conducive to the
increase of women’s political representation and the promotion of
women to
decision-making levels.
To the Executive Government:
Improve the implementation of the National Program of Action on
Improving Women’s Situation; improve the structure and organization
of the central and
local governments and administrations that are in charge of the
task; pay attention to developing and implementing gender-sensitive
programs in partnerships
with foreign donor organizations as a way of solving the financial
problems.
Create a mechanism of encouraging investment into private economic
entities in the rural areas.
Research the implementation of the laws that discriminate against
women such as the Labor Law, develop and propose amendments to the
parliament.
Examine how companies with partial or full foreign investment
are complying with national and international laws and take measures
from fining to closing
down those that violate those laws.
Assess the participation of men and women in reproductive and
productive spheres and evaluate their contributions to the development
of the society and
family.
Take consistent measures to provide favorable conditions for women
entrepreneurs and family businesses through adequate training, taxation,
and financial aid
policies.
Support the participation of businesswomen in national and international
business and trade events, promote exchange of experience and expertise
among
businesswomen, and establish information centers in rural and urban
areas to provide businesswomen with up-to-date market and business
information.
As stated in the national Program of Action, develop and implement
a "Women in Leadership" program in cooperation with NGOs
in order to ensure a broad
participation of women at various levels of decision-making.
Set up courts specialized in domestic violence and other family
disputes, train defense attorneys specialized in the same area,
and found legal counseling offices
using local personnel resources.
To train policemen specialized in domestic violence issues and
broaden the functions of the current units in charge of children
to comprise family issues.
Develop formal and informal training courses to educate people
on violence, prevent violence and teach self-defense methods.
Widen the services for women victims of domestic violence.
To Law-Enforcement Institutions:
Organize training at various levels on gender equality in rural
areas and involve NGOs, scholars and researchers specializing in
this area.
Using the resources of the Lawyers’ Retraining Center, promote
research of international documents on women’s rights and gender
equality.
Train defense attorneys, judges, and prosecutors specialized in
gender issues.
To Political Parties:
Promote female party cadres, train them as potential candidates
involving them in leaderships training and seminars on economic
and political issues in order to
increase women’s political participation and representation.
Improve the gender-sensitivity of party platforms, pay attention
to the advancement of women’s social status, the full use of women’s
potential for the national
development and adequate assessment of women’s contribution to the
national development.
To Economic Entities:
Adequately evaluate women’s labor and ensure safe working conditions
for women.
Pay for overtime work as stipulated by the law.
Abandon hiring practices that discriminate women based on age
an outward appearance.
Treat equally male and female employees with young children.
To the Public:
Familiarize with laws regarding women’s and human rights and gender
equality.
Learn to express your views when your rights and freedoms have
been violated, request assistance from law-enforcement institutions
and other governmental
and non-governmental organizations, and publicize truthfully via
mass media.
Familiarize with the National Program of Action on Improving Women’s
Situation, contribute opinions to the improvement of the program
and participate in its
implementation.
List of Materials Consulted:
Laws:
1.Mongolian Constitutional law
2.Mongolian Family Law
3.Mongolian Labor Code
4.Mongolian Criminal Code
5.Mongolian Pension Law
6.Mongolian Social Security Law
7.Mongolian Administrative Responsibility Law
8.Mongolian Law against Prostitution
9.Mongolian Media Law
10.Mongolian Social Insurance Law
Research materials:
1.National Statistics Office, Statistics Brochure, 1998, 1999
2.Women’s Information and Research Center, Questionnaire covering
3100 people of 5 regions, 1997
3.Liberal Women’s Brain Pool, Census on Women’s Participation
in Politics, 1998
4.National Center Against Violence, Census, 1998
Other materials:
1.National Programme of Action the Advancement of Women, 1996
2.United Nations, "Human development" Brochure. 1997
3.National Statistics Office, Employment Report. 1999
4."Gender Policies and Statistics Analysis" Conference
material organized by the UNO and the Ministry of Health and Social
Welfare. 1999
5.Women’s Information and Research Center, "Mongolian Women’s
Economic Situation during the Transition Period", Research
Advice. 1998
6.Women’s Information and Research Center, "Information on
Gender", 1998.
7.Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. Information on the "National
Program Implementation and Goals for Improving Women’s Status. 1999
8.Report on the Implementation of the National Poverty Alleviation
Program. 1999
9.Report on the "Local Programs for the Advancing of Women’s
Status" 1998, 1999.
People Consulted in Preparing this Report:
1. J. Zanaa - Director of the National CEDAW Watch Network Center
2. B. Uranchimeg - Executive Director of the Liberal Women’s Brain
Pool
3. J. Altantsetseg - Governor of the National Center against Violence
4. N. Gerelsuren - President of Women’s Federation
5. M. Amaraa - Executive Director of the Women’s Coalition
6. E. Ganbileg - Officer at the National CEDAW Watch Network Center
7. Sarah Boddington - Australian Volunteer Lawyer
Report developed by: S. Davaasuren National - CEDAW Watch Network
Center
Edited by: J. Zanaa - Director of the National CEDAW Watch Network
Center
Translated by:
Edited by: Sarah Boddington - Australian Volunteer Lawyer
2 May, 2000 Ulaanbaatar Mongolia
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